Back to the USSR: to what socialism does the Communist Party want us to return
Why did I remember this today, when the yard is seemingly a completely different century? The thing is that the leadership of the Communist Party, feeling themselves winners in the September elections to the Duma, declared themselves the heirs of the Leninist-Stalinist traditions. Not only in the sense that they renounce spontaneous provocative radicalism, but also in the fact that they consider their main political goal to end current Russian capitalism and the country precisely towards Leninist-Stalinist socialism. Everything fell into place. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation will not be the successor of the CPSU to its Marxist-Leninist convictions and become backward the hateful Western Social Democracy. The hopes of some Moscow liberals, who this time voted for the communists in the elections to the Duma (if only not for power!), On the social democratization of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were an illusion. The CPRF will never dare to change its Marxist nature and abandon the idea of communism. Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Vladimir Kashin put an end to all illusions about the possible social democratization of the Communist Party. He explained to his ally from the camp of the left forces that the communists are ready to achieve a future peace in the Duma, to end Russian capitalism and return to socialism. Pay attention, to return not to the socialism of “thugs”, the socialism of Leonid Brezhnev, namely to the socialism of Stalin’s time, when for three harvests of grain brought in by a collective farmer from the field to starving children, they were given 8 years of the Gulag.
And, I think, from a political point of view, the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation made the right decision: its nuclear electorate does not need any social democracy, no social state with a capitalist economy. The nuclear electorate of the Communist Party dreams of a return to the days of Stalin’s “strong power”. What kind of social democratization of the Communist Party can we talk about when “Russia is not the West”? By the way, the current government, which after the “Russian spring” of 2014 turned Russia into a “besieged fortress”, declared it the antipode of European values, thereby clearing the ideological and social grounds for the growth of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the rehabilitation of Stalin. And therefore today criticism of the Soviet is already perceived as national treason. Of course, today the plans for the implementation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to return to Leninist-Stalinist socialism seem unlikely. But do not forget that we live in a country where the most impossible very often becomes real.
That is why, in my opinion, it is important today to see the truth about the reasons for the defeat of the anti-communist revolution in the USSR, which began during perestroika, it is important to find out why, the further we go from 1991, from the collapse of the Soviet system, the faster the lost country grows. The Soviet Union. True, people who today sympathize with the Communist Party do not realize that the implementation of its program actually means the transformation of our country into North Korea, into a country where the zombification of the population by the communist government was monstrous. The communist government in North Korea did to its people what Stalin did to the Soviet people in the 1930s. Then there was nothing left in a person of personal dignity. And now everything human is being killed in North Korea. North Korea as an ideal example of the implementation of “Leninist-Stalinist socialism”, which is being talked about today by the search for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
The first, main reason for the growth of pro-Soviet sentiments, even hopes for the restoration of Leninist-Stalinist socialism, in my opinion, is that in the USSR, and in particular, in the former RSFSR, unlike Eastern Europe, there was no anti-communist revolution in exact sense of the word. If in Eastern Europe the “velvet revolutions” of 1989 were both anti-Soviet and anti-communist, then our August 1991 revolution, which we call “democratic”, was in fact “anti-apparatus.” And in this sense, not anti-, but pro-communist. Behind the August 1991 revolution was primarily a thirst for equality, a desire to end the privileges of the communist nomenklatura. How did Yeltsin gain popularity among the population of the RSFSR? The fact that he stopped traveling in special vehicles, and moved on a trolleybus and in the subway. The democratic revolution of 1991 could not be anti-communist, like none of the leaders of “Democratic Russia”.
And now, 30 years after the collapse of the USSR, I come to the conclusion that our anti-communist revolution, even in such a strange anti-apparatus form, was defeated, because, on the one hand, the “deep Russian people” do not perceive the reformers of Yeltsin’s team as their own, on the other hand, Yeltsin’s team itself does not have much respect for the “scoop” and views his troubles and sufferings as an inevitable victim of democratic reforms. And therefore, it is clear that the suffering of the people during the reforms of the 1990s, which led to the same social inequality, did not lead to the same in the eyes of the people, not only to the reformers of the Soviet system, but also to the rejection of the reformers themselves, and in the end Yeltsin. And this change in the mood of the population of the Russian Federation took place on the eve of the 1996 presidential elections. If it were not for Gennady Zyuganov’s fear of possible violence, if he had sufficient willpower, then, I think, he would have been able to turn his election victory into real political supremacy in the country. But Zyuganov gave up, retreated. And here it should be remembered that Gennady Zyuganov was popular among the population of the Russian Federation in 1995-1996 to a greater extent as the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the successor of the CPSU, who called for the revival of the greatness of the Russian state, the revival of the sovereignty of Russia.
Why did I remember this? To show that pro-communist sentiment, especially since the beginning of the 2000s, began to die out due to the fact that Yeltsin’s successor Vladimir Putin intercepted and tried to implement the ideology of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation of the mid-1990s. This is the privatization of the 1990s, which led to the transfer of the entire national treasure into the hands of several oligarchs, including always slow-acting, including in the “2000s”. But thanks to the fact that Putin was able to raise the welfare of the population, began to pay pensions without delays, raised the level of wages two and a half times, these anti-oligarchist sentiments somehow subsided, ceased to be factors of big politics. But the “Russian spring” of 2014, which resulted in the following decline in living standards and population growth, returned the Communist Party of the Russian Federation a chance to return to active politics. Of course, in my opinion, only people devoid of a sense of conscience can seduce a Russian person by returning to Leninist-Stalinist socialism. Democratic life in Leninist-Stalinist socialism.
And I think that saving Russia from the danger of pro-communist forces coming to power lies in Putin repeating the experience of 2000. Then he intercepted Gennady Zyuganov’s call to raise Russia from its knees, to revive the traditions of Russian statehood. And today, in my opinion, the salvation of power consists in the transition – gently, correctly – to a progressive taxation system that can calm the population and which will show the “deep Russian people” that for Putin the interests of a person in need are more important than the oligarchs around him. Further. It is necessary to intercept the refusal of the 2018 pension reform from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The truth is that a significant proportion of men do not live up to the new retirement age, up to 65 years. It is necessary to draw conclusions from the current sharp rise in mortality among the older generation. And there is nothing wrong with the fact that Putin will abandon the pension reform. Moreover, after all, more than half of the population associates their future with stability in the country, which is under Putin’s rule. In my opinion, if something real is done to improve the welfare of the population, it will be possible to conduct an ideological offensive against the Communist Party. Still, we must understand that the current underestimation of the “deep Russian people” of values and values.