‘hands off’ is not a policy
The seas around Malta and in particular its Search and Rescue Area are one important arena in which the country’s policies and core values are tested and challenged. It remains difficult to understand, beyond cynicism, what exactly the government’s policy is in the immediate and long term.
In such a context, many desperate and vulnerable people continue to lose their lives in the most dire circumstances. While proclaiming adherence to international agreements and laws, the government has adopted a ‘hands off’ policy in daily practice. It seems to be the preferred strategy to claim not to receive warnings of danger, the refusal to allow landing in Malta, the detention of persons seeking asylum at sea, and the attack of Committed NGOs.
For many Maltese, certain types of migration (but not all migration) are still considered unacceptable, with the main mantra being the dubious one “Malta is whole”. Most recently, the debate and disagreement has focused on two issues, one immediate – the impact of NGO rescue initiatives – and the other wider and longer: the role of the EU and EU policy.
Despite the evidence from most research indicating that the most important factors influencing migration levels are the political, economic and social situation in the migrants’ countries of origin, many prefer they attack rescue NGOs, arguing that their actions boost the activities of smugglers and migrants themselves. Confiscating NGO boats, fining and firing NGO activists is not an effective policy or response in any way. Policy and response by definition must be much broader and can only be acceptable if they address all dimensions of migration policy, and not just its dysfunctions.
The second debate is much more significant and was triggered by the recent visit to Malta of the Minister for Europe of Germany, Anna Lührmann. She claimed once again that European countries should work together to create a “more orderly” system. She clearly noted that such a system must respect humanitarian standards while ensuring solidarity between member states.
Importantly, she also reminded the government that “we cannot allow people to drown in the Mediterranean”, while for her part she accepted that this is an issue that must be addressed multilaterally. For many governments and people in the immediate Mediterranean area, such observations are hollow in key respects. Europe does not have a concerted or effective migration policy. Rather, it has as many individual policies as it has member states, a reality that is often immediately apparent.
Europe is still very divided on the issue despite the initiatives and strategies currently underway. Many Member States are either hostile to or inactive on the agenda, leaving border states lacking effective and appropriate support. In such a context, the argument that “we are in this boat together” is not convincing as a policy or even a general approach. The EU’s migration policy also fails to indicate that it is ready for the necessary fundamental decisions.
Essentially, the debate continues to be about how to operationalize the “internal solidarity” of the Union, the label routinely applied to the continuous standoff between those member states that demand more effective action from the border states (Malta among them) and the responses of those states that emphasize. the greater capacity and resources of the main EU members.
In fact, we are still far from agreeing alone to establish a common humanitarian, rights-based or coherent framework for the governance and management of migration and asylum. None of the above debates provide an excuse or justification for the Maltese government’s policy.
Giving any meaning to the principles and values espoused by Malta in the UN and, most recently, the Security Council, implies the development and implementation of a fair migration strategy. Arguing strategically and forcefully for realistic and effective EU policy, our government must publicly lead by example and not hide behind the actions or inactions of others.
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