The meeting of the presidents of Romania and the Republic of Moldova on Friday, July 29, in Bucharest, established the new paradigm of “direct speech”.

President Maia Sandu’s call to the Romanian authorities – “We want to buy gas from Romania, now. If the Republic of Moldova will be attacked by Russia, we will ask for help” – equates, preserves the proportions, to the request made by the Board of Directors (government) of the Democratic Republic of Moldova in January 1918 to the Kingdom of Romania to save Bessarabia from the anarchy and destruction caused by the Russian gang . bolshevists. They are not exactly identical situations, but the meaning of the message is similar: “brothers, we are at ananghia!”

President Klaus Iohannis’ answer was equally clear: “We are preparing for any scenario, no matter how complicated. We will not abandon the Republic of Moldova!”

Sounds encouraging, let’s face it. If the two heads of state spoke in front of the journalists about the danger of energy, political blockade and even a military aggression against the Republic of Moldova, presumably they were much more blunt in the face-to-face talks. The obligation of responsible statesmen to be prepared for any evolution of events, and I believe that the Ukrainian tragedy requires some quick and unconventional decisions for the defense of Moldova.

New restrictions for the arrested Dodon

The authorities from Chisinau are increasingly determined also in matters of internal politics. “We are a democratic country, we cannot forbid Dodon, who is under house arrest, to communicate with the press” – said Maia Sandu until recently. Here, yesterday, finally, the justice accepted the case prosecutor’s appeal and forbade Dodon to sit for discussions with Russian journalists, sending them messages like: “None of the Moldovans will jump to fight with Russia if they . Maia Sandu will ask.” That is, deciphered: attack without problems, Mr. Putin, you will be greeted with flowers in Chisinau, like the liberators of June 28, 1940.

But even after this ban, Dodon remains active on social networks where he threatens to usurp the current power. I mean forbidden and not really.

“Moscow’s fifth column” seemed more like a journalistic figure of speech. For some time now I have been openly talking about the existence of the Russian influence agency in the state structure. For example, in parliament, where communists and socialists stubbornly refuse to condemn Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Their thesis, which they repeated like a mantra, is to be neutral, for the government to stop following the instructions of its Western “curators”, who are pushing Moldova towards a confrontation with Russia.

The federalization trap, reanimated

Supporters of Russia are also found in governmental structures. A few days ago, on a TV station, the deputy head of the Political Reintegration Bureau, Nicolai Tveatkov, made waves, who pronounced in favor of resolving the Transnistrian conflict through the federalization of the Republic of Moldova.

Some necessary clarifications: Federalization in the Republic of Moldova is different from what we are used to knowing in Germany, Switzerland or the United States. Federalization is Russia’s watchword, which in 2003 took the form of a concrete document, called the “Kozak Plan” (after Dmitri Kozak, Putin’s advisor). The federation model proposed by Moscow to Chisinau meant the legitimization of the presence of the 14th Russian army on the left of the Dniester, and the right of veto for the regions (the two foci of separatism – Tiraspol and Comrat) in six political parties and external alliances. An apprehension of Moldova in the Russian fold.

The president at that time, the communist Voronin, rejected the “Kozak Plan”, but today at home he reaffirms his adherence to Marxist-Leninist-Putinist principles and would sign for federalization, just as he also jumps into the penal zone Ilan Şor, the fugitive from Israel, and Marina Tauber, recently arrested in Chisinau, whom he was mocking earlier. So whoever invokes the “federalization solution” in our country is either not aware of the consequences of these metamorphoses for Moldova’s European aspirations, or is speaking in the interest of Russia.

Tsveatkov’s statements caused a huge scandal. Igor Grosu, the president of the parliament, described him as a “mancurt” and asked for his resignation. Oleg Serebrian, deputy prime minister and head of the Political Bureau of Reintegration, hastened to reject any idea of ​​federalization, saying that the status of a candidate country for joining the European Union changes the discussions on the Transnistrian file, calls for new approaches. The truth is that the war in Ukraine has radically changed the facts of the problem, so there is no more room for half-measures for Transnistria, just as an arrangement in favor of Russia is not designed for Ukraine either. Spilled blood draws a completely different “format” of negotiations, imposes a point of no return.

In 1992, Moldova was alone in the face of the monster from the East, and even if its soldiers fought bravely, it had to accept the humiliating conditions dictated by the Kremlin to silence the guns. Today, after 30 years, with the danger ahead, we hope that something fundamental has changed. In us and in the attitude of those we rely on.